The response to the death of Henry Kissinger on November 29th has been expansive. Every major news source in America and Germany has posted reviews, op-eds, and timelines of Kissinger’s legacy. The response from politicians, diplomats, and historians across the world ranged from admiration to dislike. Outpourings of grief from his defenders were juxtaposed against claims that Kissinger left a legacy of destruction in countries like Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam.
The White House has been toeing a careful line between respect and avoidance; President Biden wrote in his statement: “Throughout our careers, we often disagreed. And often strongly”. German Chancellor Olaf Scholz honored Kissinger on X, saying "He always remained close to his German homeland. The world has lost a great diplomat”. EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen also took to X, noting “Kissinger's strategy and excellence in diplomacy have shaped global politics throughout the 20th century”.
These statements reflect Kissinger’s controversial history as a statesman — and the complicated legacy he leaves behind.
Kissinger's impact on American foreign policy and geopolitics cannot be ignored, controversial or not. His influence in foreign policy opened the door to China in the 1970s, maintaining a dialogue with the other side in the Cold War. He pioneered détente with the Soviet Union. He engaged broadly in “shuttle diplomacy” in the Middle East. He also fostered a strong transatlantic relationship, maintaining ties with Germany and supporting transatlantic think tanks.
As Richard Nixon’s national security adviser and later secretary of state, Kissinger aimed to spread the American ideology. For Kissinger and Nixon, acting against communism and fascism in the Cold War, the means always justified the ends. The foreign policy that Kissinger bolstered meant he always had many irons in the fire.
Kissinger holds a great legacy as a transatlantic statesman. As controversial in death as in life, there are always two sides to the story — it is important to consider both perspectives as we remember Kissinger. As Evan Osnos wrote in the New Yorker,
“The compromises that accompany Kissinger’s achievements are fused in a duality that defines his legacy.”
By the numbers:
1923. The year Kissinger was born, in Fürth, Germany.
1938. The year Kissinger immigrated to the United States from Germany.
100. The approximate number of times Kissinger visited China.
4.06. The rating of World Order, Kissinger’s most popular book (11,727 ratings), on GoodReads.
2. The number of times Kissinger was top of Gallop Poll’s list of men Americans admire most (1973, 1974).
0. The number of times Kissinger was invited to the White House by President Biden.
Selection of articles that focus on his achievements:
U.S. Secretary of State Tony Blinken noted that Kissinger “set the standard for everyone who followed in this job”.
Former PM Tony Blair stated that he had always been in awe of Kissinger: “If it is possible for diplomacy, at its highest level, to be a form of art, Henry was an artist”.
Former Google CEO Eric Schmidt wrote about Kissinger as a "Statesman and Friend".
Marcus Pindur, Deutschlandfunk, quoted historian Bernd Greiner calling Kissinger an “opportunist of power and of good self-promotion.”
The American German Institute wrote "There is much more to Henry Kissinger than theories of 19th-century diplomacy”.
Selection of articles that are more critical:
Ben Rhodes, the former Deputy National Security Advisor under Obama, named Kissinger a hypocrite in a New York Times op-ed.
Stefan Kornelius, Süddeutsche Zeitung correspondent, called him “The solitaire” and that “There was room for all extremes in his life”.
Evan Osnos wrote in the New Yorker that “Kissinger was not blind to criticism, but he never stopped negotiating the balance of his record”.
NPR’s Rund Abdelfatah and Ramtin Arablouei said in an interview on the legacy of Kissinger: “Kissinger personally guided secret, indiscriminate bombing over Cambodia, which led to as many as 150,000 civilian deaths”.
Princeton professor Gary J. Bass wrote “his policies are noteworthy for his callousness toward the most helpless people in the world” in The Atlantic.
Ouch Sony & George Wright said in the BBC that “peacemaker is not a term you're likely to hear many in Cambodia use when describing Henry Kissinger”.
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